Archive for 8月, 2011


The decision on the shape of the new space agency (origially called the 宇宙庁) in the original Matsui Plan has been stalled again by last-minute haggling as MEXT mounts a last-ditch battle to stop ceeding budget and programmatic authority to the Prime Minister’s Cabinet Office, according to Takafumi Matsui, architect of the plan, in an interview yesterday (Tuesday August 9). It was quite spooky to interview Matsui Sensei in the offices of the IIPS in Toranomon knowing that a major bureaucratic battle between MEXT, METI and the CO was taking place a scant 500 meters or so away in Kasumigaseki proper- a battle completely ignored by the mainstream press but covered in Japan’s gutsy shukanzasshi (weeklies).

As I pointed out last week in How will the SHSP’s Next-Gen Space Plan Unfold? August 8 was supposed to be Change You Can Believe In day when the SHSP was to finalize the transfer of power of authority of the QZSS system development to the CO along with the budgetary powers to complete it, largely at the expense of MEXT. According to Matsui Sensei, MEXT is going down fighting and it is unclear whether the deal will go through.

As I pointed out last time,   June 30′s  政府の宇宙開発利用体制の在り方について(案) represents a compromise- originally the 宇宙庁 was to have complete control of space policy and budget, but according to Matsui Sensei, it represents a stealth-step in the right direction. If the plan works, then the CO will have seized control of Japan’s largest ever space infrastructure project, involving the building of a 7 or 8 satellite constellation of Michibiki satellites that will provide sub-1 meter positioning and emergency communications and as yet undisclosed (to be worked out- nothing sinister) functions.

For those of you familiar with the QZSS project, the CO taking charge is both a practical solution and a master stroke all at once, removing the in-fighting that has plagued the project for the best part of a decade and firmly putting the CO in charge of space national security and public infrastructure.

Meanwhile the General Space Activities budget is due for a savage beating, with the DPJ trying to enforce a 30% cut in some science and technology fighting. The Basic Plan for Space Policy of June 2009- take a look at page 8,  looks to have been reduced to administrative 瓦礫 (gareki= rubble).

To see how things pan out, watch this space!

 

In China’s Search for a Grand Strategy (Foreign Affairs・March/April 2011), Wang Jisi, who is Dean of the School of International Studies at Peking University, is obviously the chosen point man to present the kinder, gentler “it’s gonna be OK, don’t worry, be happy” face of China to the rest of us.

One of Wang’s primary arguments for explaining away China’s belligerence on the high sees, see for example the harassment of USNS Impeccable in international waters being one of the more minor incidents, is the need of the Chinese leadership to pander to the rabid nationalism it has created. In a country where free political debate is censored, nationalism is one of the few outlets. Now this monster has been released it must be pacified, leading to public hyperventilation and hyperbole and adolescent bullying on the seas.

Tuesday’s release of Japan’s 37th White Paper however gets to grips with the real issue at hand- China’s claims to sovereign rights and ju­risdiction over its Exclusive Economic Zone.  This key issue is a recipe for disaster. Coping with it will be a major task in hand for the U.S.-Japan Alliance until China implodes.

The story remains the same…

In any case, here is the full article:

By PAUL KALLENDER-UMEZU TOKYO — Japan’s new defense white paper hints at an expecta­tion of long-term declines in U.S. military and economic strength and reflects an unprecedented level of concern about China.

“China’s future actions are wor­risome, given what can be inter­preted as its overbearing ways to address its clashing interests with neighboring countries, in­cluding Japan,” says the Aug. 2 paper by the Ministry of Defense (MoD), titled “Defense of Japan 2011.” Chinese government officials were quick to respond in Japan­ese media reports. Ma Zhaoxu, a spokesman for China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, criticized “irre­sponsible comments,” while Chi­nese Defense Ministry spokesman Geng Yansheng accused Japan of deliberately exaggerating a “Chi­na threat.” At issue is the Japanese word “koatsuteki,” which can also be translated as “assertive,” and is used in an unofficial translation of the white paper to describe Japan’s concerns about China’s military modernization and ex­panding maritime reach, said Jun Okumura, adviser at the Eurasia Group here.

“The MoD merely said what everyone had on their minds,” Okumura said. “The Chinese side responded in kind.” Okumura said Tokyo would be remiss not to comment on recent provocations by the Chinese Navy, including multiple incur­sions into Japanese territorial waters by destroyers and nu­clear-powered submarines, and the “buzzing” of vessels and airspace. All this comes after China’s 20-year military buildup and a quadrupling of military spending in the last decade.

Analysts said much of the paper’s language and approach echo longstanding themes: It calls the U.S. Japan alliance “indispensable,” warns of cyber attacks, and so on.

“It is very much in line with what you would expect in a year with a revised NDPG,” the National Defense Program Guidelines released in December, said Christopher Hughes, a professor of interna­tional politics and Japanese studies at Britain’s University of Warwick.

But the paper also mentions a “global shift in the balance of power” — code for potential long-term U.S. military and eco­nomic decline.

A reference to territorial disputes, though brief, is ominous, according to Pe­ter Woolley, a professor of comparative politics at Fairleigh Dickinson University in New Jersey.

“Japan is geographically surrounded by water and has a long coastline and numer­ous islands,” Woolley said. “Invasion of these islands can be anticipated as one form of armed attack. Any Japanese reader knows very well that the retreat of U.S. in­fluence, to be replaced by that of new ac­tors, is problematic and complex for Japan.” South Korea is complaining about Tokyo’s claims on the Sea of Japan islands that Seoul calls Dokdo.

The paper also notes that China plans to expand its maritime activities. That reflects growing Japanese and U.S. concern about Beijing’s claims to sovereign rights and ju­risdiction over its Exclusive Economic Zone, said James Manicom, a naval expert at Cana­da’s Balsillie School of International Affairs. “I don’t think the tone is that surprising,” Manicom said. “The most important differ­ence as it relates to maritime issues is the addition of China’s interpretation of inter­national law as a subject of concern.” The paper reflects concern about North Korea’s new Musudan ballistic missile, which can hit Guam, and other threats, said Alessio Patalano, an expert on Japanese mil­itary issues at Kings College, London.

“The sinking of the Cheonan, the artillery shelling of Yeonpyeong Island, China’s air­craft and carrier programs, are other exam­ples. Japan’s response was clear and sought to underline the potential risk presented by the missile programs of North Korea, and by China’s evolving behavior at sea,” Patalano said.

The paper also contains a 13-page section on the March 11 Great East Japan Earth­quake, lauding the U.S. response that in­cluded about 16,000 troops, 15 vessels and 140 aircraft.

The aid operation “looms large because it is important to a beleaguered Japanese pub­lic, because Japan is genuinely grateful and prepared to say so,” Woolley said.

Monday is the day when the the Strategic Headquarters for Space Policy (SHSP) is due to release its report on which part of the government is going to lead Japan’s space policy and budgeting. The decisions announced Monday, more than a year later than intended and the result of a 30-month bureaubattle between MEXT and the Cabinet Office and METI, will give important clues as to how successful MEXT’s rearguard action to save its programmatic and budget control against encroachment by the CO and METI has been.

Despite bitter complaints about stacked committees and placements (oh it pains me not to write about them) showing that Japanese bureaucratic battles can be just as downright dirty and corrupt as a Brooklyn Ward (or British Borough) election, MEXT would seem to have done pretty well out of it so far. Remember, back in 2008 the Basic Law’s key point was to, within 2 years, have the SHSP design a Cabinet-led 宇宙庁 (Space Agency) focused on promoting the use of space for national security, applications and industrialization- all anathema to MEXT, which has maintained control of around 60% of the entire space budget through its control of the R&D oriented JAXA.

With an attitude similar to that of Charlton Heston at the NRA, or perhaps, more like that of Jim Hacker defending the great British Sausage, in an astonishing achievement revelead in June 30′s 政府の宇宙開発利用体制の在り方について(案) 平成23年6月30日 MEXT has managed to whittle down the SHSP’s proposal to taking about 30% of its budget.

Why astonishing? Well the whole point of the Basic Space Law (宇宙基本法(骨子) was to rip the power away from MEXT in the first place (see several dozen of my articles in Space News down the years), in particular, fight the 今後の宇宙政策の在り方に関する 有識者会議 提言書 put together by Matsui Sensei, which de facto proposed a revolution in space organization, and did so in only 5 pages. Can you imagine something so beautifully clear and direct as to delineate a major Japanese governmental powerbroking revolution in ONLY FIVE PAGES?

No wonder it wasn’t popular! Here is the original article I wrote about the Matsui initiative, arranged by Seiji Maehara to put the cat among the pigeons. We’ll see how things pan out on Monday.

The Matsui Report was not popular with MEXT but popular with METI...

It’s cheap journalism to say that the battle between the F-35 and the F/A-18E/F Super Hornet is heating up, because it’s only heating up in the press- the battle has been heating up between Lockheed Martin and Boeing for some time. After talking to people very familiar with what is going on, it does seem as budget pressures are putting a new sheen on the previously unfancied Super Hornet.

Let’s backtrack a few years. Ever since the tsunami of kokusanka in aerospace collided, broke, and ebbed on the impenetrable need to maintain good offices with the U.S.  in the FSX crisis (as told so well by Michael Green in Arming Japan, p.86-107 ) Japan’s aerospace ambitions long ago turned back to Meiji priorities- get the best technology in the world available and indigenize it.

The current war of words between the F-35 and the F/A-18E/F Super Hornet and, indeed, the Eurofighter- which has many champions here among impartial observers- speaks volumes to the shifting and juggling of priorities facing Japanese planners.

Japan’s instinct was to have bought the F-22  and its stealth technology and pressed for squeezing as much technology and production transfer out of the U.S. as possible. A vain hope and crushed painfully.

The F-35 has been seen as the “next best thing” as it is a “5th generation” airframe that is stealthy and has all its weapons, fuel tanks and etc. subsumed into the airframe. But the F-35 has been fighting terrible battles of its own (see The Economist’s The last manned fighter for more details) with well publicized software and more serious difficulties and potentially soaring per-unit costs. Which is what made my private interview with former Top Gun pilot and now F-35 Program Manager Stephen O’Bryan (below) even more important.

The critical issues are always balancing cost (especially expensive local production) vs. technology transfer (and assuaging/ pushback against U.S. technonationalism), vs. jobs for MHI and KHI, vs. maintaining the Alliance all balanced by the fact that unless Japan purchases top-of-the-line fighters, it probably sends terrible signals to the Chinese.

Bearing all this in mind, the really astonishing thing is the distance the Super Hornet has traveled over the past year or so in perception. Three years ago it was assumed this plane, based on a 40-year-old design, wouldn’t stand a chance against the F-35. Again there are faint echos of the FSX saga again. Back in the day Japan felt forced to drop its preference for the original F-18, in which TDRI could fit all sorts of cool J-gear such as CCV, composite wings and phased array radar, for the F-16 because of the increasing arrogance of McDonnell Douglas, which insisted on blocking any Japanese improvements on the plane without paying MD first…

How times have changed. With U.S. industry in fear of reduced procurement until the U.S. finds more clients to arm or wars to fight, Lockheed Martin and Boeing seem to be falling over themselves to offer better and better deals.

“There is a clear sense that improvements have been made and that from an industrial point of view F-35 will be a much better deal than one would have thought in the past. And that to me sounds like they’re trying to outbid the Europeans, because they are those offering access to technology know-how,” says my good friend Alessio Patalano over at Kings College, London.

Despite clouds remaining over the actual cost and operability of the F-35 Patalano thinks it would be a major mistake to opt for the F/A-18E because it’s cheap. Purchases like this RFP are actually tools of statecraft and in the fast evolving East Asian landscape, Japan needs to maintain a modern, advanced air force, one capable of measuring itself up against modernising regional forces, both operationally and technically, he says.

Anyway, here is the original article. Enjoy!

F-18 Gains Favor in Japan’s F-X Contest By Paul Kallender-Umezu, Defense News, July 25, 2011, page 6

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